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It has also proved conclusively that this war was not waged by the people of Italy on their own choice. All of Mussolini's propaganda machine could not make them love Hitler or hate us. The less said about the feelings toward Mussolini, the better. I believe that equal jubilation and enthusiasm will be shown by the people of the other nations now under the German heel when Nazi Gauleiters and native Quislings are removed through force or flight.
How different was this invading army of the Allies from the German forces that had come into Sicily, ostensibly to "protect it. Sicily, like other parts of Italy and like the other satellite and conquered nations, had been bled white by the Nazi and Fascist governments. Growers of crops were permitted to retain only a small fraction of their own produce for themselves and their families. With the Allied armies, however, went a carefully planned organization, trained, and equipped to give physical care to the local population—food, clothing, medicine.
This new organization is also now in the process of restoring to the people of Sicily freedoms which, for many years, had been denied to them. I am confident that, within a year, Sicily will be once more self-supporting—and, in addition to that, once more self-respecting.
From Sicily the advance of the Allied armies has continued to the mainland. On the 3d day of September they landed on the toe of the Italian peninsula. These were the first Allied troops to invade the continent of Europe in order to liberate the conquered and oppressed countries.
History will always remember this day as the beginning of the answer to the prayer of the millions of liberty-loving human beings not only in these conquered lands but all over the world. On July 25—2 weeks after our first landings in Sicily—political events in Italy startled the world. Mussolini, the incubus of Italy for a generation, the man who is more responsible for all of the sorrows of Italy than anyone, except possibly Hitler himself, was forced out of office and stripped of his power as a result of his own dismal failures, his wanton brutalities, and the overwhelming demand of the Italian people.
This was the first break in Axis leadership—to be followed, we are determined, by other and similar encouraging downfalls. But there is one thing I want to make perfectly clear: When Hitler and the Nazis go out, the Prussian military clique must go with them.
The war-breeding gangs of militarists must be rooted out, of Germany—and out of Japan—if we are to have any real assurance of future peace. Early last month the relentless application of overwhelming Allied power—particularly air and sea power—convinced the leaders of Italy that it could not continue an active part in the war.
Conversations were begun by them with us. These conversations were carried on with the utmost secrecy. Therefore, much as I wished to do so, I could not communicate the facts of the case to the Congress, or the press, or to those who repeatedly expressed dismay or indignation at our apparent course in Italy.
These negotiations turned out to be a complete surprise to nearly everyone, not only to the Axis but to the Italian people themselves. I am sure that the Congress realizes that there are many situations in this war—and there will be many more to come—in which it is impossible for me to make any announcement or even to give any indication of the policy which we are following.
It is difficult to remain silent when unjustified attack and criticism come from those who are not in a position to have all the facts. But the people and the Congress can be sure that the policy which we follow is an expression of the basic democratic traditions and ideals of this Republic.
We shall not be able to claim that we have gained total victory in this war if any vestige of fascism in any of its malignant forms is permitted to survive anywhere in the world. The armistice with Italy was signed on September 3 in Sicily, but it could not be put into effect until September 8, when we were ready to make landings in force in the Naples area. We had planned these landings some time before and were determined to go through with them, armistice or no armistice.
Italian leaders appealed to their Army and Navy to end hostilities against us. Italian soldiers, though disorganized and ill-supplied, have been fighting the Germans in many regions. In conformity with the terms of unconditional surrender, the Italian Fleet has come over to our side; and it can be a powerful weapon in striking at the Nazi enemies of the Italian people. When Hitler was forced to the conclusion that his offensive was broken, and he must go on the defensive, he started boasting that he had converted Europe into an impregnable fortress.
But he neglected to provide that fortress with a roof. He also left various other vulnerable spots in the wall of the so-called fortress—which we shall point out to him in due time. The British and American Air Forces have been bombing the roofless fortress with ever-increasing effectiveness.
It is now our purpose to establish bases within bombing range of southern and eastern Germany, and to bring devastating war home to these places by day and by night as it has already been brought to western Germany. When Britain was being subjected to mass bombing in and —when the British people, including their King and Prime Minister, were proving that Britain "could take it"—the strategists of the Royal Air Force and of our own Army Air Forces were not idle.
They were studying the mistakes that Goering and his staff of Nazi terrorists were making. Those were fatal mistakes, as it turned out. Today, we and the British are not making those mistakes. We are not bombing tenements for the sheer sadistic pleasure of killing, as the Nazis did. We are striking devastating blows at carefully. And we are hitting these military targets and blowing them to bits. German power can still do us great injury.
But that evil power is being destroyed, surely, inexorably, day by day, and if Hitler does not know it by now, then the last trace of sanity has departed from that distorted mind.
We must remember that in any great air attack the British and Americans lose a fairly high proportion of planes and that these losses must be made up quickly so that the weight of the bombing shall not decrease for a day in the future. In fact, a high rate of increase must be maintained according to plan—and that means constant stepping up of our production here at home.
In the remarkable raid on the Ploesti oil fields in Rumania we lost 53 of our heavy bombers; and more than of our finest men arc missing. This may seem like a disastrously high loss, unless you figure it against the damage done to the enemy's war power. I am certain that the German or the Japanese high commands would cheerfully sacrifice tens of thousands of men to do the same amount of damage to us, if they could.
Those gallant and brilliant young Americans who raided Ploesti won a smashing victory which, I believe, will contribute materially to the shortening of the war and thus save countless lives. We shall continue to make such raids all over the territory of Germany and the satellite countries. With Italy in our hands, the distances we have to travel will be far less and the risks proportionately reduced.
We have reliable information that there is definite unrest and a growing desire for peace among the peoples of these satellite countries—Rumania, Hungary, Finland, and Bulgaria. We hope that in these nations the spirit of revolt against Nazi dominance which commenced in Italy will burst into flame and become a consuming fire.
Every American is thrilled by the sledge-hammer blows delivered against the Nazi aggressors by the Russian Armies. This summer there has been no successful German advance against the Russians, as in and The shoe today is on the other foot—and is pinching very hard.
Instead, the Russians have forced the greatest military reversal since Napoleon's retreat in The recapture of Karkov, Stalino, and other strongholds by the Russians, the opening of the Ukraine and the Donets Basin and the freeing of millions of valuable acres and hundreds of inhabited places hearten the whole world as the Russian campaign moves toward the elimination of every German from Russian soil—toward the invasion of Germany itself.
It is certain that the campaign in north Africa, the occupation of Sicily, the fighting in Italy, and the compelling of large numbers of German planes to go into combat in the skies over Holland, Belgium, and France by reason of our air attacks, have given important help to the Russian Armies along their advancing front from Leningrad to the Black Sea.
We know, too, that we are contributing to that advance by making Germany keep many divisions in the Balkans, in Southern France, and along the English.
I like to think that these words constitute an understatement. Similarly, the events in the Mediterranean have a direct bearing upon the war against Japan. When the American and British expeditionary forces first landed in north Africa last November, some people believed that we were neglecting our obligations to prosecute the war vigorously in the Pacific.
Such people continually make the mistake of trying to divide the war into several watertight compartments—the western European front, the Russian front, the Burma front, the New Guinea and Solomons front, and so forth—as though all of these fronts were separate and unrelated to each other.
You even hear talk of the air war as opposed to the land war or the sea war. Actually, we cannot think of this as several wars. It is all one war, and it must be governed by one basic strategy. The freeing of the Mediterranean, which we started last fall, will lend directly to the resumption of our complete control of the waters of the eastern Indian Ocean and the Bay of Bengal. Thus, we shall be enabled to strike the Japanese on another of their highly vulnerable flanks.
As long as Italy remained in the war as our enemy—as long as the Italian Fleet remained in being as a threat—a substantial part of British naval strength had to be kept locked up in the Mediterranean. Now that formidable strength is freed to proceed eastward to join in the ever-increasing attack upon the Japanese. It has not been sufficiently emphasized that the freeing of the Mediterranean is a great asset to the war in the Far East.
There has been one serious gap in the lines of our globe-girdling sea power. That is the gap between northwest Australia and Ceylon. That gap can now be closed as a result of victory in the Mediterranean,. We face, in the Orient, a long and difficult fight. We must be prepared for heavy losses in winning that fight. The power of Japan will not collapse until it has been literally pounded into the dust. It would be the utmost folly for us to try to pretend otherwise. Even so, if the future is tough for us, think what it is for General Tojo and his murderous gang.
They may look to the north, to the south, to the east, or to the west. The forces operating against Japan in the various Pacific theaters are just as much interrelated and dependent on each other as are the forces pounding against Germany in Europe.
With the new threats that we offer from the Aleutians, Japan cannot afford to devote as large a proportion of her forces to hold the lines in other areas. Such actions as the taking of Attu and Kiska do not just happen.
They are the results of careful and complete planning which was going on quietly while some of our critics were so perturbed that they had reached the verge of tears over what they called the threatened invasion of Seattle, Portland, San Francisco, and Los Angeles.
It was difficult for them to realize that the carefully prepared and crucial tests in the Coral Sea and at Midway and in the Solomons rendered the Japanese toehold in the Aleutians untenable.
Japan has been hard put to it to maintain her extended lines. She had to withdraw her garrison from Kiska in the face of the oncoming American-Canadian forces because she could not maintain a steady stream of adequate reinforcements and supplies to the Aleutians. In the Solomon Islands, with heavy fighting, we have gained so many island air bases that the threat to Australia and New Zealand across the Coral Sea has been practically dissipated.
In fact, it is safe to say that our position in that area has become a threat on our part against the Japanese in the seas that lie north of the Solomons and north of New Guinea.
American, Australian, New Zealand, and Dutch forces in a magnificent campaign in New Guinea and the Solomons have destroyed much Japanese strength and have gained for us new bases from which to launch new offensive operations.
After a long period of defensive strategy in Burma, we arc determined to take the offensive there. I am also glad to report to you that we are getting more supplies and military help to China.
Almost every day word comes that a new air battle has destroyed two and three times more Japanese planes in China and Burma than we ourselves have lost. That process will continue until we are ready to strike right at the heart of Japan itself. It goes almost without saying that when Japan surrenders, the United Nations will never again let her have authority over the islands which were mandated to her by the League of Nations. Japan obviously is not to be trusted. And the same thing holds good in the case of the vast territories which Japan has stolen from China starting long before this war began.
Since the beginning of our entrance into the war, nearly 2 years ago, the United Nations have continuously reduced enemy strength by a process of attrition. That means, cold-bloodedly, placing the ever-increasing resources of the Allies into deadly competition with the ever-decreasing resources of the Axis. It means the training and use of the Allied manpower—which is greater than the Axis. It means the use of our superior facilities and ability to make more munitions, and above all aircraft, more quickly than our enemies can do.
For example, the Allies today on the European front have a definite superiority in almost all weapons of war on any and every point of the encircling line—more guns, more tanks, more planes, more trucks, more transports, more supply ships, and more warships.
In the Pacific we have taken a steady toll of Japanese war planes and a steady toll of Japanese ships—merchant ships and naval vessels. The odds are all in our favor—for we grow in strength and they cannot even replace all their losses. It might be called a simple mathematical progression. However, unless we keep up and increase the tempo of our present rate of production, this greater strength in planes and guns, tanks, and ships can all be lost. Our great production program started during the darkest days of With the magnificent contribution made by American industry and American labor, it is approaching full production.
Britain has already attained full production. Today the British Empire and the United States, together, are turning out so much of every essential of war that we have definite superiority over Germany and Japan,.
But we have no minutes to lose. Realization of the distances we must cover brings to mind problems that every American should realize—problems of transporting from our shores to the actual fighting areas the weapons and munitions of war which we make.
Burma and China can be reached only with extraordinary difficulty.
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